A reader might ask why two people who have devoted their careers to  writing about foreign affairs—one of us as a foreign correspondent and  columnist at The New York Times and the other as a professor of American  foreign policy at The Johns Hopkins University School of Advanced  International Studies—have collaborated on a book about the American  condition today. The answer is simple. We have been friends for more  than twenty years, and in that time hardly a week has gone by without  our discussing some aspect of international relations and American  foreign policy. But in the last couple of years, we started to notice  something: 
Every conversation would begin with foreign policy but end  with domestic policy—what was happening, or not happening, in the United  States. Try as we might to redirect them, the conversations kept coming  back to America and our seeming inability today to rise to our greatest  challenges.
This situation, of course, has enormous foreign policy implications.  America plays a huge and, more often than not, constructive role in the  world today. But that role depends on the country’s social, political,  and economic health. And America today is not healthy—economically or  politically. This book is our effort to explain how we got into that  state and how we get out of it.
Readers familiar with our work know us mainly as authors and  commentators, but we are also both, well, Americans. That is important,  because that identity drives the book as much as our policy interests  do. So here are just a few words of introduction from each of us—not as  experts but as citizens.
Tom: I was born in Minneapolis, Minnesota, and was raised in a  small suburb called St. Louis Park—made famous by the brothers Ethan  and Joel Coen in their movie A Serious Man, which was set in our  neighborhood. Senator Al Franken, the Coen brothers, the Harvard  political philosopher Michael J. Sandel, the political scientist Norman  Ornstein, the longtime NFL football coach Marc Trestman, and I all grew  up in and around that little suburb within a few years of one another,  and it surely had a big impact on all of us. In my case, it bred a deep  optimism about America and the notion that we really can act  collectively for the common good.
In 1971, the year I graduated from high school, Time magazine had a  cover featuring then Minnesota governor Wendell Anderson holding up a  fish he had just caught, under the headline “The Good Life in  Minnesota.” It was all about “the state that works.” When the senators  from your childhood were the Democrats Hubert Humphrey, Walter Mondale,  and Eugene McCarthy, your congressmen were the moderate Republicans  Clark MacGregor and Bill Frenzel, and the leading corporations in your  state—Dayton’s, Target, General Mills, and 3M—were pioneers in corporate  social responsibility and believed that it was part of their mission to  help build things like the Tyrone Guthrie Theater, you wound up with a  deep conviction that politics really can work and that there is a viable  political center in American life.
I attended public school with the same group of kids from K through  12. In those days in Minnesota, private schools were for kids in  trouble. Private school was pretty much unheard of for middle-class St.  Louis Park kids, and pretty much everyone was middle-class. My mom  enlisted in the U.S. Navy in World War II, and my parents actually  bought our home thanks to the loan she got through the GI Bill. My dad,  who never went to college, was vice president of a company that sold  ball bearings. My wife, Ann Bucksbaum, was born in Marshalltown, Iowa,  and was raised in Des Moines. To this day, my best friends are still  those kids I grew up with in St. Louis Park, and I still carry around a  mental image—no doubt idealized—of Minnesota that anchors and informs a  lot of my political choices. No matter where I go—London, Beirut,  Jerusalem, Washington, Beijing, or Bangalore—I’m always looking to  rediscover that land of ten thousand lakes where politics actually  worked to make people’s lives better, not pull them apart. That used to  be us. In fact, it used to be my neighborhood.
Michael: While Tom and his wife come from the middle of the country,  my wife, Anne Mandelbaum, and I grew up on the two coasts—she in  Manhattan and I in Berkeley, California. My father was a professor of  anthropology at the University of California, and my mother, after my  two siblings and I reached high school age, became a public school  teacher and then joined the education faculty at the university that we  called, simply, Cal.
Although Berkeley has a reputation for political radicalism, during  my childhood in the 1950s it had more in common with Tom’s Minneapolis  than with the Berkeley the world has come to know. It was more a slice  of Middle America than a hotbed of revolution. As amazing as it may seem  today, for part of my boyhood it had a Republican mayor and was  represented by a Republican congressman.
One episode from those years is particularly relevant to this book.  It occurred in the wake of the Soviet Union’s 1957 launching of Sputnik,  the first Earth-orbiting satellite. The event was a shock to the United  States, and the shock waves reached Garfield Junior High School (since  renamed after Martin Luther King Jr.), where I was in seventh grade. The  entire student body was summoned to an assembly at which the principal  solemnly informed us that in the future we all would have to study  harder, and that mathematics and science would be crucial.
Given my parents’ commitment to education, I did not need to be told  that school and studying were important. But I was impressed by the  gravity of the moment. I understood that the United States faced a  national challenge and that everyone would have to contribute to meeting  it. I did not doubt that America, and Americans, would meet it.
There is no going back to the 1950s, and there are many reasons to be  glad that that is so, but the kind of seriousness the country was  capable of then is just as necessary now.
We now live and work in the nation’s capital, where we have seen  firsthand the government’s failure to come to terms with the major  challenges the country faces. But although this book’s perspective on  the present is gloomy, its hopes and expectations for the future are  high. We know that America can meet its challenges. After all, that’s  the America where we grew up.
 
 
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